On 13 August 1948, the Security Council’s three-part Basic Resolution called for a ceasefire; and asked Pakistan, as aggressor, to withdraw all her forces, regular or irregular, while accepting that India could retain part of her troops in Kashmir. Part Three of the Resolution, which was not binding unless the first two Parts had been implemented, said that, “the future status of Jammu and Kashmir shall be determined in accordance with the will of the people”.

Pakistan accepted the terms of a further Resolution on 25 December 1948, and a ceasefire came into effect on 1 January 1949. Ceasefire, but no peace. That Ceasefire Line drawn on 1 January has held through war and peace. The UN failed; direct negotiations, begun in August 1953, became equally pointless. Other pressures altered the dimensions of the quarrel. As military aid from the West began to flow into Pakistan, Nehru responded with the Soviet card. Nothing quite worked to Pakistan’s advantage; neither the rhetoric of the 1950s nor the wars of the 1960s and 1970s. The politics of the Valley, tangled in the threads of ambition.

Since the plebiscite demanded by the UN was never conducted, relations between India and Pakistan soured, and eventually led to three more wars over Kashmir in 1965, 1971 and 1999.

Since then the relations between india and Pakistan did not see an improvement and led to wars and no of ceasefire violations. India has control of about half the area of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir; Pakistan controls a third of the region, governing it as Gilgit–Baltistan and Azad Kashmir. Since then, a bitter enmity has been developed between India and Pakistan and three wars have taken place between them over Kashmir. The growing dispute over Kashmir and the consistent failure of democracy also led to the rise of Kashmir nationalism and militancy in the state.

By the mid-1950s the Chinese army had entered the north-east portion of Ladakh. By 1956–57 they had completed a military road through the Aksai Chin area to provide better communication between Xinjiang and western Tibet. India's belated discovery of this road led to border clashes between the two countries that culminated in the Sino-Indian war of October 1962. China has occupied Aksai Chin since 1962 and, in addition, an adjoining region, the Trans-Karakoram Tract was ceded by Pakistan to China in 1965.

Indo - Pak War 1965

Pakistan, under the leadership of General Ayub Khan, believed the Indian Army would be unable to defend itself against a quick military campaign in the disputed territory of Kashmir as the Indian military had suffered a loss to China in 1962 in the Sino-Indian War. In 1960s Pakistan received 700 million dollars of military aid from United States, by signing a defense agreement in 1954, which significantly modernized Pakistan's military equipment. After the defeat in 1962 Sino-Indian War Indian Military was undergoing massive changes both in personnel and equipment. During this period, despite being numerically smaller than the Indian Military, Pakistan's armed forces had a qualitative edge in air power and armor over India, which Pakistan sought to utilize before India completed its defense build-up.

Operation Gibraltar

Pakistan believed that the population of Kashmir was generally discontented with Indian rule and that a resistance movement could be ignited by a few infiltrating saboteurs. Pakistan attempted to ignite the resistance movement by means of a covert infiltration, code-named Operation Gibraltar. The Pakistani infiltrators were soon discovered, however, their presence reported by local Kashmiris, and the operation ended unsuccessfully. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 or the Second Kashmir War was a culmination of skirmishes that took place between April 1965 and September 1965 between Pakistan and India. The seventeen-day war caused thousands of casualties on both sides and witnessed the largest engagement of armored vehicles and the largest tank battle since World War II.

The 7,000-strong Gibraltar Force began to slip into Kashmir in twos and threes from 7 August 1965. Their objectives: disruption, distribution of arms and initiation of a guerrilla uprising. However, Gibraltar fell on its face. The Kashmiris who were supposed to rise as one against India, rose instead against the raiders - precisely as they had done in 1947: truth to tell, probably to the equal surprise of both Rawalpindi and Delhi, Kashmiriyat was clearly still alive and well. Gibraltar was reinforced by a second wave of infiltrators along the 470 mile Ceasefire Line, but with the people indifferent or hostile, the hunters became the hunted. By 10 September Indian forces held a line from Uri to Poonch.

Indian troops fought back stubbornly, relieved at the respite. Indian Air force went into action from 1 September. Akhnur was still vulnerable, but despite specific orders to take Akhnur as quickly as he could, Yahya Khan delayed it. He was not going to get another chance. At 0330 hrs on 6 September Indian troops crossed the international boundary from Sialkot to Kasur, and what was called the “All-Out War” began. Abruptly the nature of the war had changed. Lahore was under threat. A ceasefire was the logical conclusion. On 23 September 1965 a ceasefire under the aegis of UN Security Council came into effect. For the record, India had about 740 square miles under occupation, against 210 square miles by Pakistan, but the strategic balance was even.

The two conclusions relevant to history are: Pakistan’s second war for Kashmir added not even an inch to what it had seized till 1948; and the Kashmiris’ had proved that even if they were unhappy with India they would not surrender their unique culture and identity to Pakistan. Kashmiriyat survived the war of 1965.

Tashkent Agreement, (Jan. 10, 1966), accord signed by India’s Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri (who died the next day) and Pakistan’s president Ayub Khan, ending the 17-day war between Pakistan and India of August–September 1965. A cease-fire had been secured by the United Nations Security Council on Sept. 22, 1965.

The agreement was mediated by Soviet premier Aleksey Kosygin, who had invited the parties to Tashkent. The parties agreed to withdraw all armed forces to positions held before Aug. 5, 1965; to restore diplomatic relations; and to discuss economic, refugee, and other questions. The agreement was criticized in India because it did not contain a no-war pact or any renunciation of guerrilla aggression in Kashmir.

The political tensions between East Bengal and West Pakistan had its origin in the creation of Pakistan as a result of the partition of India by the United Kingdom in 1947; the popular language movement in 1950; mass riots in East Bengal in 1964; and the mass protests in 1969. These led to the resignation of President Ayub Khan, who invited army chief General Yahya Khan to take over the central government. The geographical distance between the eastern and western wings of Pakistan was vast; East Pakistan lay over 1,600 kilometres (1,000 mi) away, which greatly hampered any attempt to integrate the Bengali and the Pakistani cultures.

To overcome the Bengali domination and prevent formation of the central government in Islamabad, the controversial One Unit programme established the two wings of East and West Pakistan. West Pakistanis' opposition to these efforts made it difficult to effectively govern both wings. In 1969, President Yahya Khan announced the first general elections and disestablished the status of West Pakistan as a single province in 1970, in order to restore it to its original heterogeneous status comprising four provinces, as defined at the time of establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In addition, there were religious and racial tensions between Bengalis and the multi-ethnic West Pakistanis, as Bengalis looked different from the dominant West Pakistanis.

The Indian government repeatedly appealed to the international community for assistance, but failed to elicit any response, despite the External Affairs minister Swaran Singh meeting foreign ministers of other countries. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 27 March 1971 expressed full support of her government for the independence struggle of the people of East Pakistan, and concluded that instead of taking in millions of refugees, it was economical to go to war against Pakistan.

Shimla Agreement 1972

On the evening of 3 December, at about 17:40, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched surprise pre-emptive strikes on eleven airfields in north-western India, including Agra, which was 480 kilometers (300 mi) from the border. At the time of the attack, the Taj Mahal had been camouflaged with a forest of twigs and leaves and draped with burlap, because its marble glowed like a white beacon in the moonlight.

This air action marked the start of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971; Gandhi ordered the immediate mobilisation of troops and launched a full-scale invasion of Pakistan. This involved Indian forces in massive coordinated air, sea and land assaults on Pakistan from all fronts. The main Indian objective on the Eastern front was to capture Dacca, and on the Western front was to prevent Pakistan from entering Indian soil.

Surrendering of Pakistan

13 days after the war started, India achieved a clear upper hand, the Eastern Command of the Pakistan military signed the instrument of surrender on 16 December 1971 in Dhaka, marking the formation of East Pakistan as the new nation of Bangladesh. Officially, East Pakistan had earlier called for its secession from Pakistan on 26 March 1971. Approximately 93,000 Pakistani servicemen were taken prisoner by the Indian Army, which included 79,676 to 81,000 uniformed personnel of the Pakistan Armed Forces, including some Bengali soldiers who had remained loyal to Pakistan.

Post 1971 war, the Simla Agreement signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan on 2nd July 1972 was much more than a peace treaty seeking to reverse the consequences of the 1971 war (i.e. to bring about withdrawals of troops and an exchange of PoWs). It was a comprehensive blue print for good neighbourly relations between India and Pakistan. Under the Simla Agreement both countries undertook to abjure conflict and confrontation which had marred relations in the past, and to work towards the establishment of durable peace, friendship and cooperation.

The Simla Agreement contains a set of guiding principles, mutually agreed to by India and Pakistan, which both sides would adhere to while managing relations with each other. These emphasize: respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty; non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; respect for each other’s unity, political independence; sovereign equality; and abjuring hostile propaganda. The following principles of the Agreement are, however, particularly noteworthy:

A mutual commitment to the peaceful resolution of all issues through direct bilateral approaches. To build the foundations of a cooperative relationship with special focus on people to people contacts. The agreement converted the cease-fire line of 17 December 1971 into the Line of Control (LOC) between India and Pakistan and it was agreed that "neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations.

The agreement has not prevented the relationship between the two countries from deteriorating to the point of armed conflict, most recently in the Kargil War of 1999. In Operation Meghdoot of 1984 India seized all of the inhospitable Siachen Glacier region where the frontier had been clearly not defined in the agreement (possibly as the area was thought too barren to be controversial); this was considered as a violation of the Shimla Agreement by Pakistan.

Rise in Militancy in Jammu & Kashmir

Maqbool Bhat also spelt Maqbool Butt (18 February 1938 – 11 February 1984) was a Kashmiri and co-founder of National Liberation Front (NLF), militant wing associated with Azad Kashmir Plebiscite Front, and a precursor to the present day Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). Bhat carried out multiple attacks in Jammu and Kashmir. He was tried and received double death sentence. On February 11, Maqbool Bhat is hanged in Tihar Jail.(4) Indian authorities refuse to return his body to his family. Small groups of Kashmiris cross the LoC to plan armed movement and return to form underground cells.

In 1986, Shah decided to construct a mosque within the premises of an ancient Hindu temple inside the New Civil Secretariat area in Jammu to be made available to the Muslim employees for 'Namaz'. People of Jammu took to streets to protest against this decision, which led to a Hindu-Muslim clash. In February 1986, Shah on his return to Kashmir valley retaliated and incited the Kashmiri Muslims by saying Islam Khatre Mein Hey (transl. Islam is in danger). As a result, this led to the 1986 Kashmir riots where Kashmiri Hindus were targeted by the Kashmiri Muslims. Many incidents were reported in various areas where Kashmiri Hindus were killed and their properties and temples damaged or destroyed. The worst hit areas were mainly in South Kashmir and Sopore. In Vanpoh, Lukbhavan, Anantnag, Salar and Fatehpur, Muslim mobs plundered or destroyed the properties and temples of Hindus. During the Anantnag riot in February 1986, although no Hindu was killed, many houses and other properties belonging to Hindus were looted, burnt or damaged. An investigation of Anantnag riots revealed that members of the 'secular parties' in the state, rather than the Islamists, had played a key role in organising the violence to gain political mileage through religious sentiments. Shah called in the army to curb the violence, but it had little effect. His government was dismissed on 12 March 1986, by the then Governor Jagmohan following communal riots in south Kashmir. This led Jagmohan to rule the state directly. The political fight was hence being portrayed as a conflict between "Hindu" New Delhi (Central Government), and its efforts to impose its will in the state, and "Muslim" Kashmir, represented by political Islamists and clerics.

Election for the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir were held on 23 March 1987. Farooq Abdullah was reappointed as the Chief Minister. The election is widely perceived to have been rigged.(5) The rigging of the election is believed to have led to the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir.

A number of opposition parties join to form an alliance against the NC. They are called the Muslim United Front (MUF). Young polling agents of MUF, among them Yasin Malik, are arrested and tortured. Farooq Abdullah is allowed to win the elections and becomes Chief Minister. The MUF wins only four seats—despite a clear wave of support for the party—including one by Syed Ali Geelani of the Jamaat Islami and Qazi Nisar, the Mirwaiz (head preacher) of South Kashmir. MUF contestants, like Yusuf Shah, are arrested.

Repression in Kashmir increases. Protestors demanding basic things, like electricity, are shot down. Several groups of young Kashmiri men, including Hamid Sheikh, Ashfaq Wani, Javaid Mir, and Yasin Malik (now out of jail), cross the LoC for arms training. Later known as the HAJY group (acronym of the first letters of their names), they join the JKLF (6). JKLF declare armed struggle against India, exploding several small bombs in Srinagar. Jamaat Islami opposes armed struggle in its publication Azan and insists on the 1985 amendment to its party constitution that calls for resolution through constitutional means and dialogue.

In July 1988, the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) began a separatist insurgency for secession of Kashmir from India.(7) The group targeted a Kashmiri Hindu for the first time on 14 September 1989, when they killed Tika Lal Taploo, an advocate and a prominent leader of Bharatiya Janata Party in Jammu and Kashmir, in front of several eyewitnesses. This instilled fear in the Kashmiri Hindus especially as Taploo's killers were never caught which also emboldened the terrorists. The Hindus felt that they were not safe in the valley and could be targeted any time. The killings of Kashmiri Hindus, including many prominent ones.

Attack and threats

On 14 September 1989, Tika Lal Taploo, who was a lawyer and a BJP member, was murdered by the JKLF in his home in Srinagar. Soon after Taploo's death, Nilkanth Ganjoo, a judge of Srinagar High court who had sentenced Maqbul Bhat to death, was shot dead.

On 4 November 1989, high court judge in Kashmir Neelkanth Ganjoo was killed near the High Court in Srinagar.

In December 1989, members of JKLF kidnapped Dr. Rubaiya Sayeed, daughter of the-then Union Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed demanding release of five militants, which was subsequently fulfilled.

On 4 January 1990, Srinagar-based newspaper Aftab released a message, threatening all Hindus to leave Kashmir immediately, sourcing it to the militant organization Hizbul Mujahideen. On 14 April 1990, another Srinagar based newspaper named Al-safa republished the same warning. The newspaper did not claim ownership of the statement and subsequently issued a clarification. Walls were pasted with posters with threatening messages to all Kashmiris to strictly follow Islamic rules which included abidance by the Islamic dress code, a prohibition on alcohol, cinemas, and video parlors and strict restrictions on women. Unknown masked men with Kalashnikovs forced people to reset their time to Pakistan Standard Time. Offices buildings, shops, and establishments were colored green as a sign of Islamic rule. Shops, factories, temples and homes of Kashmiri Hindus were burned or destroyed. Threatening posters were posted on doors of Hindus asking them to leave Kashmir immediately. During the middle of the night of 18 and 19 January, a blackout took place in the Kashmir Valley where electricity was cut except in mosques which broadcast divisive and inflammatory messages, asking for elimination of Kashmiri Hindus.

On 21 January 1990, two days after Jagmohan took over as governor, the Gawkadal massacre took place in Srinagar, in which the Indian security forces had opened fire on protesters, leading to the death of at least 50 people, and likely over 100. These events led to chaos. Lawlessness took over the valley and the crowd with slogans and guns started roaming around the streets. News of violent incidents kept coming and many of the Hindus who survived the night saved their lives by traveling out of the valley.

On 25 January 1990, Rawalpora shooting incident took place, wherein four Indian Air Force personnel, Squadron Leader Ravi Khanna, Corporal D.B. Singh, Corporal Uday Shankar and Airman Azad Ahmad were killed and 10 other IAF personal were injured, while they were waiting at Rawalpora bus stand for their vehicle to pick them up in the morning. Altogether around 40 rounds were fired by the terrorists, apparently from 2 to 3 automatic weapons and one semi-automatic pistol. The Jammu and Kashmir Armed Police post located nearby, with 7 armed constables and one head constable, did not react. Such was the ascendancy enjoyed by the terrorists. Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), with its leader Yasin Malik in particular, were allegedly involved in the killings. Incidents like these further expedited the exodus of Hindus from Kashmir.

On 29 April 1990, Sarwanand Kaul Premi, a veteran Kashmiri poet was gruesomely murdered. Several intelligence operatives were assassinated, over the course of January.

On 2 February 1990, Satish Tikoo, a young Hindu social worker was murdered near his own house in Habba Kadal, Srinagar.

On 13 February 1990, Lassa Kaul, Station Director of Srinagar Doordarshan, was shot dead.

On June 4, 1990, Girija Tickoo, a Kashmiri Hindu teacher was gang raped by terrorists, who ripped her abdomen and chopped her body into two pieces with a saw machine while she was still alive.

In December 1992, Hriday Nath Wanchoo, a trade union leader and human rights activist, was murdered with Kashmir separatist Ashiq Hussain Faktoo being convicted for the murder.

Many Kashmiri Pandit women were kidnapped, raped and murdered, throughout the time of exodus.

Exodus of Hindus

The Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus, who are also called "Kashmiri Pandits," is their en masse migration, or large-scale flight, from the Kashmir Valley in Indian-administered Kashmir in the wake of a largely political separatist uprising in the early months of 1990. Some 90,000–100,000 Pandits of a total population of 120,000–140,000 felt compelled to leave, and 30–80 individuals were killed. Many Kashmiri Pandits experienced fear and panic set off by the killings of some high-profile officials among their ranks, and the accompanying rumours and uncertainty might have been the latent causes of the exodus. The description of the violence as "genocide" or "ethnic cleansing" in some Hindu nationalist publications or among suspicions voiced by some displaced Pandits is thought to be misplaced.

Political violence, especially the killings in the 1990s of a number of Pandit officials, may have shaken the community's sense of security, although it is thought some Pandits—by virtue of their evidence given later in Indian courts—may have acted as agents of the Indian state. The Pandits killed in targeted assassinations by the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) included some high-profile ones. Occasional anti Hindu calls were made from mosques on loudspeakers asking Pandits to leave the valley. News of threatening letters created fear, though in later interviews the letters were seen to have been sparingly received. There were disparities between the accounts of the two communities, the Muslims and the Pandits. Many Kashmiri Pandits believed they were forced out of the Valley either by Pakistan and the militants it supported or the Kashmiri Muslims as a group.

At the time of their exodus, very few Pandits expected their exile to last beyond a few months. Kashmiri Pandits initially moved to the Jammu Division, the lower half of what is today the Indian-administered union territory of Jammu and Kashmir, where they lived in refugee camps, sometimes in unkempt and unclean surroundings. As the exile lasted longer, many displaced Pandits who were in the urban elite were able to find jobs in other parts of India, but those in the lower-middle-class, especially those from rural areas languished longer in refugee camps, with some living in poverty; this generated tensions with the host communities—whose social and religious practices, although Hindu, differed from those of the brahmin Pandits—and rendered assimilation more difficult. Many displaced Pandits in the camps succumbed to emotional depression and a sense of helplessness. Kashmiri Pandits in exile have also written autobiographical memoirs, novels, and poetry to record their experiences and to understand them. 19 January is observed by the Kashmiri Hindu communities as Exodus Day.

In response to the exodus, the organisation Panun Kashmir was formed. In late 1991, the organisation adopted the Margdarshan Resolution, which stated the need for a separate Union Territory in Kashmir division, Panun Kashmir. Panun Kashmir would serve as a homeland for Kashmiri Hindus and would resettle the displaced Kashmiri Pandits.

Post 1990

Operation Tupac is the alleged codename of an ongoing military-intelligence contingency program that has been active since the 1980s and run by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan. It has a three-part action plan to provide covert support to anti-India separatists and militants in Indian-administered Kashmir. The program was authorized and initiated in 1988 by the order of the then-President of Pakistan, Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.(10)

All the militant organisation working in India are working with support of ISI(Pakistan) be it Hizbul Mujahideen & JKLF. Mohammad Yusuf Shah, commonly known as Syed Salahuddin, is the head of Hizbul Mujahideen, a separatist and terrorist organisation operating in Kashmir. He also heads the United Jihad Council, a Pakistan-based conglomeration of jihadist militant groups sponsored by the ISI, with the goal of merging Jammu and Kashmir with Pakistan. In a statement by Syed Salahuddin, he told that We are fighting Pakistan's war in Kashmir and if it withdraws its support, the war would be fought inside Pakistan (9).

Hence it was considered war against the sovereignty and integrity of India Due to unrest and militant activity in the valley Indian Govt took various measures, some were brutal though.

Indian Army operations in Jammu and Kashmir started with Operation Rakshak, which began in 1990, and which leaded the collateral damage in Kashmir to life and property. On February 22 1994, the Indian Parliament passes a resolution that claims Kashmir to be an “integral part” of India and therefore non-negotiable. More forces are sent to Kashmir to subdue the armed insurgency and to conduct elections. In May, JKLF commander Yasin Malik, on bail from prison, declares a unilateral ceasefire and claims JKLF to be an unarmed political organization that would work for independence of Kashmir. His decision causes a split in the JKLF. One JKLF faction refuses to declare a ceasefire, but its leaders are quickly decimated by Indian forces during a siege in Srinagar.

On January 25 1998, 23 Kashmiri Hindus are killed in a massacre in Wandhama village. India blames Islamist militants. In two other incidents, in Prankot and Champanari in Jammu, several Hindus are killed in April and June. Insurgency spreads to the Muslim districts of Jammu province. In the Kashmir valley, the Indian counterinsurgency war continues.

In 1998 Indian Army launched Operation Sadbhavana, also referred to as Operation Goodwill in Jammu and Kashmir under their Military Civic Action programmes, which are aimed at "Winning the Hearts and Minds" (WHAM) of the people in the region. Sadbhavna literally means 'harmony', therefore the operation can also be interpreted as Operation Harmony. The catchphrase of the operation is "Jawan aur Awam, Aman Hai Muqaam" (peace is the destination for both the people and the soldier).

Welfare initiatives under Operation Sadbhavana include infrastructure development, medical care, women and youth empowerment, educational tours and sports tournaments among other initiatives. Over 450 crore rupees (70 million US$) has been directly spent on this programme and more funding provided through donors. The projects are planned according to the needs and desires of the local population and are handed over to the state government after successful initiation. 'Operation Sadbhavana' is a resolve by the Indian army to come closer to the population in Jammu and Kashmir and develop mutual faith and trust which the army gets across the rest of India.

On March 20 2000, just before US President Bill Clinton’s visit to India, 35 Kashmiri Sikhs are killed by unidentified gunmen in the village of Chattisinghpora in South Kashmir. The government blames Islamic militants, but Kashmiris and prominent Sikh leaders (and later US officials) blame Indian government agencies for orchestrating the attack to seek US sympathy. The perception of the Indian role in the massacre becomes reinforced when a few days after the Chattisinghpora massacre, Indian forces abduct, kill, and mutilate the bodies of five local Kashmiris, claiming they are the foreign Islamist militants responsible for killing the Sikhs.

In 2006 India and Pakistan hold peace talks. Musharraf proposes 4-Point Formula for peace. The plan includes: 1. free cross-LoC movement for Kashmiris; 2. self-governance for Kashmirs on both sides of the LoC; 3. phased withdrawal of troops; 4. a joint India-Pakistan mechanism to implement these and create a future path toward the final resolution. Geelani’s faction opposes the 4-Point Plan and come to be known as the “Hardliners.” The APHC group led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq support the plan. Based on their stance, they are known as the “Moderate APHC.” The JKLF-led by Yasin Malik demands inclusion of Kashmiris in the final settlement of Kashmir. The JKLF launches the Safar-e-Azadi mass contact program to put pressure on India and Pakistan to include Kashmiris in the talks. Geelani claims the 4-Point Formula is an attempt to freeze the Kashmir Dispute.

As an approach towards development the Indian governor and members of the PDP-Congress government give 100 acres of land in Kashmir to the Amarnath Shrine Board, a non-Kashmiri entity, to build permanent infrastructure for Indian pilgrims. The “land deal” contravenes protection of land guaranteed under Article 370 and Article 35A, which limit ownership of land only to the permanent residents of Kashmir. The land deal also puts an ecologically fragile mountainous region under threat. Many Kashmiris see it as an attempt to change Kashmir’s demography. By June, widespread protests emerge across Kashmir. The protests are led by a Coordination Committee comprised of APHC factions, JKLF, and several civil society groups. Hundreds of thousands of Kashmiris join weekly protests. Indian reprisal is swift. More than 100 protestors are killed over the next few months and thousands are injured. The land deal is cancelled. In Jammu, angry Hindu nationalists impose an economic blockade on Kashmir for weeks, closing the only highway into Kashmir. During a procession headed toward the LOC to open the border to relieve suffering due to the Jammu blockade, Indian forces kill prominent Kashmiri leader and key APHC leader Sheikh Aziz, along with 20 others. The killings lead to an upsurge of young Kashmiris coming into the streets and confronting Indian soldiers with stones. India puts Kashmir under curfew for months. PDP-Congress coalition government falls. Meanwhile in Pakistan, the months-long “Lawyers Protest” has led President Musharraf to resign. The 4-Point Plan loses its prominent backer. Differences among APHC’s “Moderate” and “Hardline” factions remain. In November, the LeT attacks in Mumbai lead to a formal end of peace talks between India and Pakistan. LoC artillery shelling resumes, causing dozens of Kashmiri deaths on both sides.

Mohammad Afzal Guru (June 1969 – 9 February 2013) who was a Kashmiri separatist, who was convicted for his role in the 2001 Indian Parliament attack. The Indian government hangs Afzal Guru in prison on 9 February 2013. The Supreme Court had declared in its verdict that Guru must be hanged “to satisfy the collective conscience of the Indian society,” provoking shock and criticism across the world. Guru’s body is not returned to his family and is buried next to Maqbool Bhat’s in Delhi’s Tihar Jail.

On July 8, Indian forces killed Burhan Wani (19 September 1994 – 8 July 2016) who was a commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, an Islamist militant organization, designated as a terrorist group by India, United States, Canada and Europian Union, active in Jammu and Kashmir. He used social-media as a tool of potent information-warfare[a] leveraging "a clever mix of ideology, religion and a deep sense of persecution" in chaste Kashmiri to romanticize the militant movement and wielded unforeseen influence in the local populace as a poster-boy, attracting numerous young adults into the cause. He elaborated about the idea of India being entirely incompatible with Islam thus mandating a destruction at any cost, and aimed of unfurling the flag of Islam on Delhi's Red Fort.

In August 2015, the state government imposed a bounty of ₹1 million on Burhan's head. In another report, The Diplomat claimed that Burhan had US$1500 bounty on him. A Facebook post about a month back showing Burhan along with 10 other militants in militant attire with heavy arms had gone viral in Kashmir. The videos however continued, with him urging people to take up arms against the state and refusing to collaborate with Indian elements. Police have often approached the judiciary, for enacting bans on social networking pages that disseminated Burhan's messages. In a video released in June 2016, he assured the Amarnath pilgrims of a safe passage but had threatened to attack proposed resettlement colonies for Kashmiri Pandits, in opposition to an Israel-like solution, and colonies for armed forces. He also urged the state-police to stay out of their way, threatening to attack all security forces.

On 14 February 2019, a convoy of vehicles carrying security personnel on the Jammu–Srinagar National Highway was attacked by Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed militant group's vehicle-borne suicide bomber at Lethpora in the Pulwama district, Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. The attack resulted in the deaths of 46 Central Reserve Police Force personnel and the attacker. The perpetrator of the attack was from Kashmir. Backed by Pakistan.

India banned the JKLF and the Jamaat Islami, arresting their leaders, including Yasin Malik. A massive crackdown is launched against APHC activists across Kashmir. Thousands of Kashmiri political and civil society activists are arrested in raids.

Abrogation of Article 370

In 2014, as part of Bharatiya Janata Party manifesto for the 2014 general election, the party pledged to integrate the state of Jammu and Kashmir into the Union of India. After winning the elections, attempts were made by the party along with its parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), for the abrogation of Article 370. Former prince regent and Congress leader Karan Singh opined that an integral review of Article 370 was overdue and, it need to be worked on jointly with the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

However, in October 2015, the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir ruled that the Article 370 cannot be "abrogated, repealed or even amended." It explained that the clause (3) of the Article conferred power to the State's Constituent Assembly to recommend to the President on the matter of the repeal of the Article. Since the Constituent Assembly did not make such a recommendation before its dissolution in 1957, Article 370 has taken on the features of a "permanent provision" despite being titled a temporary provision in the Constitution. On 3 April 2018, the Supreme Court of India gave a similar opinion declaring that Article 370 has acquired a permanent status. It stated that, since the State Constituent Assembly has ceased to exist, the President of India would not be able to fulfill the mandatory provisions required for its abrogation. In late July, tens of thousands of new Indian forces enter Kashmir.

On 5 August 2019, the Home Minister Amit Shah introduced the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill, 2019 in the Rajya Sabha to convert Jammu and Kashmir's status of a state to two separate union territories, namely Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and Union Territory of Ladakh. The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir was proposed to have a legislature under the bill whereas the union territory of Ladakh is proposed to not have one. By the end of the day, the bill was passed by Rajya Sabha with 125 votes in its favour and 61 against (67%). The next day, the bill was passed by the Lok Sabha with 370 votes in its favour and 70 against it (84%). The bill became an Act after it was signed by the president.

The two union territories came into existence on 31 October 2019, which was celebrated as National Unity Day. The president of India appointed a Lt. Governor for the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and a Lt. Governor for the Union Territory of Ladakh. Both the Lt. Governors were sworn in by Justice Gita Mittal, the Chief Justice of Jammu and Kashmir High Court, on 31 October 2019, first at Leh for Ladakh UT and then at Srinagar for Jammu and Kashmir UT. President's Rule under article 356 of the Constitution of India was ended in the state of Jammu and Kashmir on the night of 30 October 2019. President's Rule is not applicable to and is not needed in a union territory as the union territory anyway is controlled by the central government. The President issued an order stating that he will rule the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir directly until the legislative assembly is constituted in the union territory.

The abrogation has many divided opinions with respect to the future of Kashmir. However, it is a decision taken to improve the condition of Kashmir, make it terrorism free, join Kashmir along with main stream of India and make it a paradise again.

What has changed since then? Here is a look into it based on various studies by Govt.

Terrorism. The government's primary rationale behind the revocation of special status was to "eliminate the threat of terror." Data provided by the home ministry shows that terror-related incidents have reduced drastically since the revocation of Article 370.

Political activities. There has been a flurry of political activity in the Union Territory over the last year, especially after the release of top leaders like PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti and National Conference president Farooq Abdullah and his son Omar. They had been placed under house arrest following the revocation of Article 370.

In October 2020, the political leaders came together to form the Gupkar alliance with an objective to restore the special status of the state. The alliance includes parties like NC, PDP, CPI, CPM and some local outfits. Congress and Sajad Lone's Peoples Conference were also part of the alliance but later withdrew their support.

The Gupkar alliance contested the District Development Council (DDC) elections in December 2020 and emerged victorious in the Kashmir valley.

More recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a meeting with the top leaders of the erstwhile state to discuss the way forward.

He said that elections could be possibly held after the delimitation exercise in J&K. However, almost all mainstream parties have insisted that J&K's statehood must be restored before the delimitation exercise.

Rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits. As per a 1990 report, as many as 44,167 Kashmiri Migrant families had fled the Valley since the 1990s due to security concerns. Out of these, the count of registered Hindu migrant families is 39,782.

In its written reply in Rajya Sabha in March 2021, the government said that 3,841 Kashmiri migrant youths have moved back to Kashmir in recent years and have taken up jobs in various districts under the Prime Minister’s rehabilitation package. It had said that 1,997 candidates have been selected for jobs under the same package in April, 2021.

The government had said that it prepared a comprehensive policy to provide residential accommodation to the migrants who have moved back to Kashmir.

Industrial promotion. The government had informed Rajya Sabha in March 2021 that a total number of 456 MoUs amounting to Rs 23,152.17 crore have been signed with potential investors since the creation of UT of Jammu and Kashmir.

It said all flagship schemes of the Modi government, including individual beneficiary centric schemes are also being proactively implemented in the UT.

The Centre has approved a new Industrial Development Scheme for Jammu and Kashmir with an outlay of Rs 28,400 crore to boost industrial activity while nurturing existing industries as well. Moreover, the J&K administration approved a business revival package of Rs 1,352.99 crore in September, 2020.

Domicile certificates. The Jammu & Kashmir government decided to issue domicile certificates to the husbands of local women married to people from outside the state.

This was a significant move as it allowed them to buy land or property in the Union territory or apply for government jobs.

Commissioner Secretary to J&K government, Manoj Kumar Dwivedi, issued an order dated July 20 in which he specified that rules that make spouse of domicile certificate holder eligible for getting the certificate.

The J&K administration had said that till January this year, a total of 33,80,234 domicile certificates had been issued.

J&K cadre-AGMUT merger. In another key move, the Jammu & Kashmir cadre for All-India Services (IAS, IPS and Indian Forest Service officers) were merged with the existing cadre of Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Mizoram and Union Territories (AGMUT).

The decision was taken to help tackle the shortage of All-India Services officers in J&K owing to an earlier UPA rule fixing the ratio of direct recruits in Civil Services to promote from J&K state civil services (Kashmir Administrative Service) at 50:50 instead of the 67:33 formula followed in other states. As a result, any officer belonging to AGMUT cadre is now eligible to be posted in UT of J&K and UT of Ladakh, and vice-versa.

Govt has taken actions in good faith to impart peace and development in the valley. It is evident that state of J&K has seen no of changes in its political, social & economic culture through ages, and seen many ups and down till now. The current situation of Kashmir is very delicate due to many opinions among people and political leadership.

Now it’s the time given to the public of Kashmir to decide, if they want peace and harmony in the valley by accepting Govt policies and people of India as their own. Otherwise, Terrorism already cost a lot to the valley and will continue if locals do not stand against it. It’s been evident from the history that without the support of public no policy can fructify and Govt will collapse in the last that will give advantage to the nations like Pakistan & China to interfere and create an environment which will destroy the state in all respect.